Wednesday, 3 December 2025

Impact of Social Media on Gen Z


One-Day Faculty Development Programme on "Understanding Gen Z Learners in Digital Era" organised by the School of Arts, Humanities & Social Sciences, Chanakya University, Bengaluru on 29.11.2025 - Summary of the lecture delivered by Dr Saurav Sarmah

Every generation carries the imprint of the world into which it was born. These labels — Baby Boomers, Gen X, Millennials, Gen Z — are not arbitrary; they reflect differences in upbringing, exposure, and the basic texture of life at formative ages. In global discourse, Gen Z is usually defined as those born between 1997 and 2012. In India, boundaries blur because technology arrives unevenly across class, caste, and region. Yet one fact is obvious: Gen Z is the first generation whose consciousness developed inside a digital world. It isn’t an exaggeration to say they never knew a world without mobile phones, internet access, or social media. Even the way we pronounce the term — “Gen Zee” in American usage, “Gen Zed” in British usage — reminds us whose cultural sphere shapes our imagination today.

To appreciate Gen Z, we need to look at who came before them. A person born in 1980 is a good example. They have no living memory of Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister. Their political awareness begins somewhere between Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination and the 1990s coalition era. But more than politics, they lived through a long arc of material change: the transition from ration shops to supermarkets; from the single landline in the neighbourhood to the first Nokia mobile phone; from black-and-white television to cable television; from inland letters to emails; and from a shortage economy to the post-1991 world of LPG reforms. Each new device arrived as an event — the first refrigerator, the first home computer, the first internet connection. Their worldview is built on gradual change. They remember what came before.

By contrast, someone born in 1997 enters a very different India. They are born into a world where the mobile phone is already becoming common, internet cafés are mushrooming in every town, and early social media is starting to shape friendships. India is growing at a fast clip, the middle class is expanding, and there is a certain confidence in the idea of a rising India. Their childhood has YouTube, SMS language, and a sense of being connected to a much wider world. They also grow up in the shadow of terrorism and global insecurity: 9/11, the Parliament attack, the Mumbai attack, Iraq and Afghanistan in the background of every news channel. They inherit the fruits of the reforms that Gen X and the older Millennials pushed through — IT sector growth, the outsourcing revolution, and the optimism of the 2000s.

The demographic context is crucial. India’s population pyramid reached its most favourable shape with Gen Z. For the first time, India had a large youth population capable of driving economic growth. But demographic advantage comes with its own anxieties. There is a wide gap between the number of young people and the quality of education they receive. Skills do not match industry requirements. Work culture and discipline vary widely. Pockets of poverty remain stubborn. A demographic dividend can easily turn into a demographic burden if we fail to act. This is not a theoretical point; every country that experienced such a youth bulge went through a decisive phase of reform or stagnation.

Consider the United States in the post-World War II period. The baby boomers were born into stability and prosperity, but they also produced enormous cultural churn — civil rights, feminism, anti-war movements, counterculture, spiritual experimentation. A large youthful population with economic security often becomes politically and culturally assertive. China offers another example. Its demographic peak in the 1980s coincided with the beginning of market reforms. The result was four decades of extraordinary growth and a transformation of the country’s global position. Now, as its population ages, growth is slowing, innovation is becoming harder, and labour shortages are emerging. Africa today stands at the beginning of the same demographic curve, but is weighed down by extreme poverty and governance failures. Whether it can break out of this trap remains uncertain.

This brings us to the uncomfortable question: has India missed the bus? Fertility rates are falling across the country. Economic growth may not remain at the pace required to absorb millions of young people. Job creation lags. Learning outcomes in schools remain poor. India once feared overpopulation; now, we will soon confront the opposite problem — ageing without becoming rich. Whether India can still catch up depends entirely on whether we undertake serious reforms in manufacturing, labour markets, education, and state capacity. Demographic advantage is not a guarantee of success; it is only an opportunity.

In the midst of all this stands social media — the central environment of Gen Z. Social media is not simply a tool; it is a space where people live, form communities, argue, display themselves, and create meaning. Platforms like Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Twitter, Snapchat, and TikTok shape identities and relationships. Gen Z is unique because social media reached them before adulthood. Their mental world — ideas of friendship, self-esteem, success, and even morality — took shape online. COVID-19 deepened this shift, turning education, entertainment, and social life into a continuous digital stream.

This transformation has weakened older structures of authority. Parents once dictated how their children should dress or behave. Today, fashion trends come from influencers sitting thousands of miles away. Corporate advertising shapes aspirations more than family values do. Social norms used to be enforced by neighbourhoods, elders, and local culture; now they are overridden by meme culture, global entertainment, and algorithm-driven feeds. Even the state struggles to control narratives: political messages spread through reels and influencers faster than any official clarification. Sharp power — micro-targeted political persuasion, emotional mobilisation, algorithmic manipulation — sits side by side with soft power — culture, entertainment, symbolism.

Gen Z stands at a complicated crossroads. Their strengths are obvious: digital fluency, comfort with technology, global exposure, and entrepreneurial instinct. But they also face distractions, mental health pressures, and a turbulent information environment where truth and falsehood are difficult to distinguish. Their world is shaped by demographic shifts, technological revolutions, economic uncertainty, and a politics increasingly mediated by algorithms. How they navigate these forces will shape India’s future.

Understanding them is not optional; it is essential.

Saturday, 1 November 2025

108+ BOOKS THAT SHAPED ME

A list of books, articles, and poems that have shaped my understanding of reality — guiding, challenging, and transforming me, and leaving a lasting mark on how I see the world.


Growing Up in Dibrugarh, Assam

1.      History of India (2 vols.) — V. D. Mahajan

2.      The Invasion That Never Was — Michel Danino

3.      The Story of My Experiments with Truth — M. K. Gandhi

4.      An Autobiography — Jawaharlal Nehru

5.      The Manual of English Grammar and Composition — J. C. Nesfield

6.      High School English Grammar and Composition —  P. C. Wren & H. Martin

7.      English Romantic Poetry — esp. William Wordsworth & John Keats

8.      The Merchant of Venice — William Shakespeare

9.      Paradise Lost — John Milton

10.  The Swiss Family Robinson — Johann David Wyss

11.  Lost Horizon — James Hilton

12.  Around the World in Eighty Days — Jules Verne

13.  The Apple Cart — George Bernard Shaw

14.  Animal Farm — George Orwell

15.  All My Sons Arthur Miller

16.  Gone with the Wind — Margaret Mitchell

17.  Windmills of the Gods — Sidney Sheldon

18.  Freedom at Midnight —  Larry Collins & Dominique Lapierre

19.  Midnight’s Children — Salman Rushdie

20.  Delhi: A Novel — Khushwant Singh

21.  Malgudi Days and Other Stories — R. K. Narayan

22.  Idols — Sunil Gavaskar

23.  The Fast Men — David Taylor

24.  A Brief History of Time Stephen Hawking

25.  A Critical History of Western Philosophy — Y. Masih

26.  The Problems of Philosophy — Bertrand Russell

27.  A Critical Survey of Indian Philosophy — Chandradhar Sharma

28.  Readings in Vedic Literature: The Tradition Speaks for Itself — Satsvarupa dasa Goswami

29.  The Nectar of Instruction — Rupa Goswami, trans. A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada

30.  Perfect Questions, Perfect Answers — A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada & Bob Cohen

31.  The Communist Manifesto — Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels

32.  On Liberty — John Stuart Mill

33.  A Grammar of Politics — Harold Laski

34.  Economics — Paul Samuelson

35.  Politics Among Nations — Hans Morgenthau

36.  A History of Modern Times from 1789 — C. D. M. Ketelbey

37.  The Globalization of World Politics — John Baylis and Steve Smith

38.  Kashmir — M. J. Akbar

39.  The Periphery Strikes Back — Udayon Misra

40.  Strangers of the Mist — Sanjoy Hazarika

41.  Introduction to the Constitution of India — Durga Das Basu

42.  The Charter of the United Nations and The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

 

As an ISKCON devotee in JNU, New Delhi

43.  Srila Prabhupada Lilamrta (7 vols.) — Satsvarupa dasa Goswami

44.  Caitanya-caritamrta (9 vols.) — Krishna Kavi­raj Goswami; trans. A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada

45.  Gaudiya Vaishnava Bhajans — esp. Narottama Dasa Thakura and Bhaktivinoda Thakura

46.  Prabhupada’s Books — A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, esp. Bhagavad Gita As It Is and Srimad Bhagavatam (18 vols.)

47.  The Twenty Years’ Crisis, 1919–1939 and What is History? — E. H. Carr

48.  The End of History? — Francis Fukuyama

49.  The Clash of Civilizations? — Samuel Huntington

50.  International Relations Theory: A Critical Introduction — Cynthia Weber 

51. Indias China War — Neville Maxwell

52. The Grand Titration: Science and Society in East and West — Joseph Needham

53.  The Structure of Scientific Revolutions Thomas Kuhn

54.  Diplomacy and On China — Henry Kissinger

55. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers — Paul Kennedy

56.  Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics — Joseph Nye

57.  Why I Am an Atheist — Bhagat Singh

58.  Annihilation of Caste — B. R. Ambedkar

59.  Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History — V. D. Savarkar

60.  A History of Western Philosophy — Bertrand Russell

61.  Nineteen Eighty-Four — George Orwell

62.  Brave New World — Aldous Huxley

63.  Lord of the Flies — William Golding

64.  The Canon of Sherlock Holmes — Arthur Conan Doyle

65.  Kane and Abel Trilogy — Jeffrey Archer

66.  Suspense, Crime & Business Novels — Sidney Sheldon & Tilly Bagshawe

67.  Sri Bhaktisiddhanta Vaibhava (3 vols.) — Bhakti Vikasa Swami

68.  Jaiva Dharma and Shri Krishna Samhita — Bhaktivinoda Thakura

69.  Brhat Bhagavatamrtam (3 vols.) — Sanatana Goswami, trans. Gopiparanadhana Das

70.  Tattva Sankhyan — Madhvacharya Ananda Tirtha (commentaries by Jaya Tirtha, Raghavendra Tirtha and Sridhara Tirtha)

71.  Sarva Darshana Sangraha — Madhavacharya Vidyaranya

72.  A History of Indian Philosophy (5 vols.) — Surendranath Dasgupta

73.  Civilization: The West and the Rest — Niall Ferguson

74.  Being Different: An Indian Challenge to Western Universalism — Rajiv Malhotra

75.  Chasing the Mirage: The Tragic Illusion of an Islamic State — Tarek Fatah

76.  Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years — Diarmaid MacCulloch

77.  Breaking the Spell: Religion as a Natural Phenomenon — Daniel Dennett

78. The Logic of Scientific Discovery — Karl Popper

 

Teaching at RGNUL, Patiala and Chanakya University, Bengaluru

      79. The History of the Peloponnesian War — Thucydides

      80. Republic — Plato

      81. Metaphysics, Nicomachean Ethics and Politics — Aristotle

      82. Records of the Grand Historian — Sima Qian

      83. Confessions and The City of God — Augustine

      84. The Incoherence of the Philosophers — Al Ghazali

      85. Summa contra Gentiles and Summa Theologica — Thomas Aquinas

      86. Muqaddimah — Ibn Khaldun

87.  The Works of Vijnanabhikshu — Vijnanabhikshu, trans. Andrew Nicholson in Unifying Hinduism and Rajiv Malhotra in Indra’s Net

88.  The Prince and Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livius — Machiavelli

89.  The Large Catechism — Martin Luther

90.  Institutes of the Christian Religion — John Calvin

91.  Leviathan — Thomas Hobbes

92.  Two Treatises of Government — John Locke

93.  The Spirit of Law — Baron de Montesquieu

94.  Declaration of Independence, Articles of Confederation, Federalist Papers, US Constitution, Bill of Rights and Other Amendments — Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, John Jay, et al.

95.  Reflections on the Revolution in France Edmund Burke

96.  Democracy in America — Alexis de Tocqueville

97.  Marxist Literature marxists.org, esp. Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao and Deng

98.  Prison Notebooks — Antonio Gramsci

99.  The Open Society and Its Enemies (2 vols.)Karl Popper

100. The Origins of Totalitarianism, The Human Condition, and Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil — Hannah Arendt

101. The Argumentative Indian and The Idea of Justice Amartya Sen

102. The Cult of the Charkha — Rabindranath Tagore

103. Essentials of Hindutva V. D. Savarkar

104. Hindu Political Thought: Liberal, Conservative and Reactionary and Speech on Conservative Interpretation of Indic Past using the Panchatantra Ashay Naik

105. What is the Real Sanatana Dharma? — V. D. Savarkar

106. The Saffron Swastika (2 vols.), Decolonizing the Hindu Mind, Who is a Hindu?, Return of the Swastika, The Argumentative Hindu, Divinizing the Veda: The Problem of Traditionalism, and Hindu Dharma and the Culture Wars Koenraad Elst

107. Final Version of the Chronological Gulf between the Old Rigveda and the New Rigveda Shrikant Talageri

108. Kautiliya Arthashastra (3 vols.)Kautilya (Chanakya), trans. R. P. Kangle

Wednesday, 8 October 2025

Introduction to Chinese Studies - YouTube Swayam Prabha DTH Channel

 🌏✨ Course Announcement — Introduction to Chinese Studies ✨🌏

🎓 A 20-lecture series by Dr. Saurav Sarmah,

Assistant Professor, School of Arts, Humanities & Social Sciences,

Chanakya University, Bengaluru

📺 Produced for IIT Kanpur – Swayam Prabha DTH Channel (Humanities & Social Sciences)

🗓 Recorded in 2022-23

Designed for undergraduate and postgraduate learners without prior exposure to Chinese Studies, the course explains key themes in a clear, India-centred classroom style, blending history, philosophy, politics, and international relations.

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📚 Lecture Titles

1. Origins of Chinese Civilisation

2. Mandate of Heaven: Rise and Fall of Dynasties

3. Confucianism

4. Schools of Ancient Chinese Thought

5. Religion in China

6. Religious Administration in China (Part I) & Scientific Thought in China (Part II)

7. Century of Humiliation: Discourse on Imperialism – Part I

8. Century of Humiliation: Discourse on Imperialism – Part II

9. Mao Zedong Thought

10. Transition of China to Market Socialism

11. Chinese Political System: The Party-State – Part I

12. Chinese Political System: The Party-State – Part II

13. India-China Relations (300 BCE – 1949): Geopolitics & Boundary Dispute

14. India-China Relations (1949 – 1962): Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai & the 1962 War

15. India-China Relations (1962 – 1993): Conflict & Peace

16. India-China Relations (1993 – 2021): Strategic Competition

17. China in the Cold War (1949 – 1989)

18. Rise of China (1989 – 2023): Threat, Opportunity or Myth

19. Trans-Himalayan Strategy, String of Pearls & Belt-Road Initiative

20. Soft Power in China’s Foreign Policy Discourse

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🎥 Watch the full series:

👉 YouTube Playlist – Introduction to Chinese Studies - YouTube

Wednesday, 16 April 2025

Trump’s ‘Art of the Deal’ Foreign Policy

Donald Trump’s foreign policy has been controversial and raised eyebrows in liberal Western circles in North America and Europe. It undermines the very fabric of the liberal international order, systematically built since 1993 by the US to replace the bipolar Cold War order. The idea of the liberal order is based on two foundations - the American power paramountcy (referred to as the unipolar moment by Charles Krauthammer) and the liberal-democratic moral superiority (represented by the end of history thesis of Francis Fukuyama). There was a bipartisan consensus in the US between the liberal internationalists of the Democratic Party and neoconservatives of the Republican Party on the benefits of American hegemony and democratic proselytisation. The emergence of Donald Trump in 2016 as the leader of the Republican Party challenged this consensus. Still, he relied on establishment candidates like John Bolton and Nikki Haley to run his foreign policy due to his inexperience with the Washington political environment. However, this time he seems more prepared to implement his vision of transactional foreign policy, which can also be termed Trump’s “Art of the Deal” Foreign Policy.

Trump: The Art of the Deal (1987) recommends thinking ‘bigly’ (a term not used in the book, but became associated with Trump in 2016), using media sensationalism and doubling down on critics. President Trump is not afraid of being controversial and targeted by moral sermonisers. He uses ‘alternative facts’, meaning he exaggerates what he intends to do or what he has achieved. For instance, after his victory in 2024, he has been referring to Canada as the 51st state or as part of the peace process in Gaza; he has proposed converting it into the ‘Riviera of the Middle East’. It becomes difficult to distinguish between a policy statement and ‘hot air’. However, there seems to be a ‘method to his madness’ or rather ‘apparent madness’.

Trump’s “Art of the Deal” Foreign Policy is based on the ideology of nationalism, which puts America first and expects reciprocal bilateralism. He does not bother about being the ‘Machiavellian Chiron’, a centaur who pretends to be a saint while serving his beastly desires. As the POTUS, he serves the American national interest, making the US a normal nation-state, instead of an imperial or hegemonic superstate. Empires often fall under the weight of their overstretched military commitments to protect their vassals, contain their rivals and maintain the aura of superiority. Trump’s foreign policy may ensure the US avoids that fate.

For India, this is a decisive moment. It is time to reduce tariffs. Let Royal Enfield compete with Harley-Davidson. Let Indians remain in India. These do not portend any disaster. What India gains is breathing space from the forces of political destabilisation within the country and in the neighbourhood. These forces have been sponsored by elements within the American establishment and civil society, sometimes referred to as the ‘deep state’. The same elements are also against Trump. Therefore, as Trump curbs the power of these elements, India’s national security will improve.

“Trump’s ‘Art of the Deal’ Foreign Policy,” VideshNeeti, 16 April 2025, 2 (2): 4.

Wednesday, 19 February 2025

Tulsi Gabbard, a karma yogi and Krishna bhakta becomes the Director of National Intelligence in the US

On 12 February 2025, former US Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard was sworn in as the Director of National Intelligence of the United States in the presence of President Donald Trump. She was confirmed in the Senate with 52 votes in favour and 48 against. 

The confirmation was not an easy ride, as there was a lot of controversy generated by the mainstream media and the Democratic Party, accusing her of being an apologist for the enemies and traitors of the United States. She is an outspoken critic of neoconservatism and foreign interventions. She holds NATO expansion responsible for the Russia-Ukraine War and has spoken in support of whistleblowers, like Edward Snowden.

I first came to know about Gabbard in 2013 when she was elected to the US House of Representatives. She was the first Hindu American to be elected to the US Congress and took her oath on the Bhagavad Gita. At that time, I was a Krishna devotee who followed a reclusive lifestyle and was struggling to make a headway in my career. Tulsi was also a Krishna devotee, but she was smart, accomplished and presidential. She spoke about karma yoga as a service to Krishna and her inspiration to join the military and then politics. I wanted to be like her, but I did not have enough conviction or commitment at that time.

On 3 January 2015, I got the opportunity to meet her in the India Foundation discussion on “The Future of Indo-US Relationship” at the India International Centre, New Delhi. She delivered the keynote address. I had brought my wife and daughter along. I wanted my family to have a photo with her, as I was sure that one day Gabbard would become president. But I was very modest and shy then, so could not directly approach her.

Coming back to the present - after being sworn in, Gabbard called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was visiting the US, signifying the importance she gave to Indo-US relations. Perhaps, the agenda of instigating social unrest and regime change in other countries may not be encouraged under Gabbard. She would probably ensure that anti-India forces in India’s neighbourhood do not receive the support of the US government and that the illegitimate overthrow of elected governments does not occur, like in Bangladesh. The recent exposé related to USAID made by the Trump Administration shows the wide-reaching nature of American interference in the domestic affairs of other nations. In this context, Tulsi Gabbard’s role becomes crucial for ensuring a stable international order.

Published as “Tulsi Gabbard, a karma yogi and Krishna bhakta becomes the Director of National Intelligence in the US,” VideshNeeti, 19 February 2025, 2 (1): 4.

Thursday, 7 November 2024

The 47th: Trump in America

 

Published as “The 47th: Trump in America” (online), organised by Centre for Constitutional Law and Governance (CCLG), Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law (RGNUL), Patiala, Punjab, on 7 November 2024.

Join Dr. Saurav Sarmah in this insightful video as he explores the complex landscape of American politics surrounding Donald Trump's potential return to the presidency. Presented by the Centre for Constitutional Law and Governance, this discussion unpacks Trump’s enduring influence on the nation, examining constitutional implications, the legal challenges tied to his leadership, and the broader impacts on democratic governance in the U.S. Dr. Sarmah provides a unique perspective on the evolving dynamics of American politics, making this a must-watch for students, scholars, and anyone invested in constitutional law and governance.

One correction: Trump took GDP growth to almost 3% and not 4%.

Wednesday, 30 October 2024

Kautilyan Theory of Power

Kauṭilya’s theory of power, as outlined in the Arthaśāstra, revolves around the concept of Vidyā (knowledge) and its application. Vidyā serves as the activator of Bala (power source), crucial in shaping Śakti (power potential) and achieving Siddhi (power outcome). Kauṭilya identifies four essential disciplines of knowledge that guide state administration: Ānvīkṣikī (cognitive methods), Trayī (Vedic texts), Vārttā (economics), and Daṇḍanīti (governance).

Ānvīkṣikī consists of three schools of thought—Sāṃkhya (metaphysics), Yoga (meditation), and Lokāyata (materialism). Together, they provide a framework for cognitive analysis and decision-making. Sāṃkhya offers metaphysical insights into the nature of reality, Yoga enhances mental discipline, and Lokāyata brings a practical, materialistic approach to understanding the world. Trayī, encompassing the teachings of the Vedic texts, serves as the moral foundation of power. It imparts Dharma (morality), guiding rulers in the ethical aspects of governance. A ruler’s adherence to Dharma ensures the legitimacy of their power, fostering trust and stability within the state. Vārttā focuses on the economic aspects of governance, teaching Artha (wealth acquisition, maintenance, and preservation). Daṇḍanīti, the discipline of governance, imparts knowledge of Naya (policy) and Bala (power). It equips the ruler with the skills needed to enforce laws, manage state resources, and protect the realm from internal and external threats.

Vidyā produces Jñāna-Bala (knowledge power), enabling a ruler to develop Mantra-Śakti (the power of decision-making), which leads to Mantra-Siddhi (the successful achievement of determined outcomes). Kośa-Daṇḍa-Bala (transactional and coercive power) stems from economic prosperity and the effective use of force, forming the backbone of Prabhu-Śakti (the authority of the government). This, in turn, allows a ruler to achieve Prabhu-Siddhi (independent policymaking and the maintenance of order). Vikrama-Bala (heroic power), another vital form of power derived from Vidyā, particularly Ānvīkṣikī, empowers a ruler to act decisively in the face of challenges. From this emerges Utsāha-Śakti (the will to act), a crucial force driving Utsāha-Siddhi (decisiveness). This form of power, rooted in a ruler’s moral conviction and courage, leads to successful governance and the realisation of the state’s goals.

Ultimately, the various Siddhis (achievements) resulting from the proper application of Vidyā lead to Sukha (the fulfillment of power), representing the achievement of the ultimate goals of government, power, and knowledge. This holistic approach, as outlined by Kauṭilya, offers profound insights into the intricate dynamics of power and governance.

Published as “Kautilyan Theory of Power”, VideshNeeti, 30 October 2024, 1 (5): 4.